Of all the processes that have been radically changing Europe's social and political landscape in recent years, the migrant crisis is undoubtedly one of the most challenging. Poland's local authorities – and, I believe, average Polish citizens as well – view the events unfolding within the EU in this regard with a great deal of surprise and even disbelief. The issue is not so much humanitarian concerns, which are beyond discussion, but rather a country's ability to control and protect its borders, one of any state's most important prerogatives.

The Federal Republic of Germany and France signed an agreement in 1984 to make it easier for their citizens to cross borders; in Schengen in 1985, the agreement was extended to the Benelux countries, and then in 1995 to additional countries, along with the elimination of internal border controls. All of this meant that the free movement of people became an attractive and innovative feature of the European Union. For this very reason, additional countries joined Schengen, including non-EU Member States (Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Iceland and Norway). For citizens of countries such as Poland, who can recall the restrictions and corruption of border regimes under communism, the freedom to cross borders within the EU was, and continues to be, an extremely important administrative – even ivilizational – accomplishment. For residents of the Podkarpackie region, to take one example, the elimination of border controls between Poland and Slovakia has had a very tangible effect, enabling active interpersonal contacts in the border regions, paving the way for business and administrative partnerships, etc. This is in contrast to the situation with Ukraine, where international border crossings are strictly guarded and limited by means of a barrier (or, as it is termed in Ukraine, a "cordon"), with all the consequences that entails: complex border protection and customs systems on both sides of the border, smuggling of goods, and waiting times at border crossings that can stretch to hours, often due to the whim of those policing the frontier on either side.

Polish citizens welcomed Poland's accession to the European Union and the ability to freely cross the EU's internal borders. At the same time, when Poland was preparing to join the Schengen area in 2005-06, international assessments to check the Polish authorities' readiness to police the border – and to evaluate the implementation of the principles set out in the treaties relating to free movement across internal borders – made clear to us the responsibility entailed by the fact that Poland was to control not just its own border but also the external border of all EU Member States (or, more precisely, those Member States party to the Schengen Agreement). Assessments were carried out on the preparedness of border crossing points and IT systems, and on how border forces were equipped; we were told there was a need to make changes and invest in order to ensure that all border control systems would work robustly. We took it as read that we – the Polish state and its structures – were obliged to take up these challenges, in exchange for our citizens being able to enjoy the freedom to move around within the EU. One problem that was difficult to solve was regulating local border traffic with Ukraine, which had to be significantly limited, affecting residents of border regions both in Ukraine and in Poland.

The events in Ukraine in 2013-2014 ("Euromaidan") brought about a rapprochement between Ukraine and the EU, which also entailed a relaxation of the requirements imposed on Ukrainian citizens travelling to the EU (i.e. primarily to Poland). Since this period, we have been seeing an ever-increasing wave of Ukrainian migration. It is estimated that by the end of 2017, around 2 million Ukrainian citizens will be working in Poland – in comparison to just 400 000 in 2013. Furthermore, Poland is not only seeing economic migrants from Ukraine: young people, too, are studying at secondary schools and universities, and as many as half of students in any given academic cohort are from Ukraine.

All of these entries are legal under existing regulations. There are very few illegal crossings of the Polish border, although attempts are made, as attested by cases that receive wide publicity in Poland, such as the death from exhaustion of three of four Chechen children who, together with their mother and led by a Ukrainian smuggler, illegally crossed the border in the Bieszczady in 2007, or the attempt to storm the border crossing into Poland from Belarus undertaken by a group of Chechen refugees in August 2016. Smuggling of various articles – primarily cigarettes and alcohol – is constantly being detected, and additional Polish-built border crossings are coming under increasing pressure. As a rule, however, these significant numbers of economic emigrants do not lead to ethnic conflicts breaking out in Poland, a fact that is backed up by representatives of the Ukrainian authorities. Cultural proximity certainly plays an important role in this regard, despite certain historical troubles that continue to colour relations between Poles and Ukrainians.

All of this means that the average Polish citizen struggles to understand how large groups of people were able not only to enter the European Union during the migration crisis but also to then cross additional borders without major problems. Meanwhile, it is incomprehensible that after giving up some of our country's sovereignty to others in terms of border control – and endeavouring to fulfil all of our responsibilities in this regard – we are having to bear the consequences of gaps in the EU's borders that Poland did not cause, e.g. the European Commission's proposed mechanism for the compulsory resettlement of refugees. This is an important and sensitive issue for Polish citizens. We are fully in favour of humanitarian aid, providing support to other countries by means of our border control measures, and other steps under agreed commitments. Polish public opinion, however, is not in favour of an interpretation of EU solidarity (where EU Member States take responsibility for each others' borders) according to which people who have crossed borders illegally are welcome in the EU.

Mr Robert Godek is the Head of the Strzyżów County Council (located in in Podkarpackie region in south-east Poland). He is also Deputy President of the Association of Polish Counties (Związek Powiatów Polskich) and Alternate Member of the European Committee of the Regions. Mr Godek was previously the Deputy Governor of Podkarpackie region where his responsibilities included managing and coordinating tasks in the field of border security.